Ukrainians See Rampant Graft as Bigger Threat Than War

Ukrainians See Rampant Graft as Bigger Threat Than War

Corruption remains a deeply entrenched and persistent systemic problem in Ukraine. One scandal after another continues to erupt, and Ukrainians are increasingly fed up. According to a recent survey, 92 per cent of Ukrainians consider corruption a serious problem, placing the hardships caused by the war only in second place.

English POLITIKA 2025. DECEMBER 13. 14:17

The current political elite, led by President Volodymyr Zelensky, rose to power on a promise of zero tolerance towards corruption. Those campaign pledges, however, have largely evaporated. Corruption remains one of the defining features of Ukraine – a pervasive force present everywhere and affecting all areas of life. It reaches into the highest levels of power, the justice system, and the social and cultural spheres alike. The present leadership has shown resistance whenever anti-corruption investigations have come too close to the heart of political authority.

Corruption has been deeply rooted in Ukraine since 1991. For decades, bribery and graft were not isolated abuses but a systematic part of everyday life, sustained by politicians, oligarchs and criminal networks.

When millions of Ukrainians took to the streets in 2014, the Maidan revolution made it clear that the public had had enough of corruption and was demanding genuine renewal of the political elite alongside a firmly pro-EU course. In response to public pressure and demands from civil society, specialised bodies were established to investigate high-level corruption, including the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU), the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) in 2015, and the High Anti-Corruption Court in 2019.

Public expectations, however, were not fully met. Under President Petro Poroshenko, high-level scandals continued, and the administration failed to deliver in several key areas. By 2017, the majority of Ukrainians still regarded corruption as the country’s most pressing problem.

Ukraine has failed to eradicate corruption, which continues to permeate every level of political, social and economic life. Authorities continue to uncover major corruption cases across the public sector, with recurring scandals reaching all the way to President Zelensky.

Schemes allowing people to evade military service through bribery have emerged, alongside scandals involving overpriced food procurement for soldiers and unfulfilled arms procurement contracts. These revelations have further fuelled public anger. At the same time, the influx of urgently needed international military and humanitarian aid, as well as the massive flow of billions of euros in foreign funding for Ukraine’s reconstruction, has created even more fertile ground for corruption.

Under Chapter 23 of the EU acquis communautaire, candidate countries are required to demonstrate tangible progress in areas such as judicial independence, the rule of law and transparency in the public sector. This is clearly not happening in Ukraine. Nevertheless, the EU – along with its Ukraine-friendly politicians and leaders – continues to press for Ukraine’s accession.

Intimidation and Political Pressure

Today, Ukrainian anti-corruption civil society organisations face unprecedented challenges. They are subjected to political attacks by President Zelensky and the ruling elite, undermining their ability to monitor and report on anti-corruption developments.

The pressure has been documented in detail by the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, Michael O’Flaherty, who described the existence of “intimidation and other forms of harassment” affecting Ukrainian journalists, lawyers, civil society actors, and political figures and opinion leaders critical of the government.

O’Flaherty also condemned the so-called “personal sanctions” imposed by Ukrainian state authorities, which may restrict individual rights and bypass ordinary judicial mechanisms.

Following high-level investigations conducted this year by NABU and SAPO, Ukrainian security and law-enforcement agencies carried out a series of raids against staff members of the two bodies. These actions attracted both domestic and international attention.

The official charges ranged from traffic violations to alleged links with Russia, but these moves were clearly aimed at undermining the independence of Ukraine’s two most important anti-corruption institutions.

On 22 July, the Verkhovna Rada approved – and President Zelensky signed – new legislation granting the prosecutor’s office greater oversight over NABU and SAPO investigations. The move sparked widespread protests, prompting Zelensky a week later to sign another bill partially restoring the independence of the two bodies. One key amendment, however, remained in force, raising serious concerns about prosecutorial independence and the appointment process at the highest levels.

Zelensky and his inner circle are clearly implicated in corruption cases, and the president’s objective appears not to be the eradication of corruption, but its concealment and a form of tacit legitimisation.

The Ukrainian parliament is soon expected to submit Bill No. 12439 for a second reading. While the bill includes significant business-friendly reforms, it also contains provisions limiting the powers of the Economic Security Bureau to investigate the embezzlement of state funds and assets. Similarly, Bill No. 13423 would grant immunity for certain offences committed by defence companies in the execution of defence contracts.

Public Opinion Demands Change

The demand for change is unmistakable. According to a survey, 92 per cent of Ukrainians consider corruption a serious problem. After the war, it ranks as the second most frequently cited major concern among respondents.

Corruption remains one of the issues most prominently covered by the media and one to which Ukrainians react with particular sensitivity, the survey’s summary statement notes.

Data from the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) show that a significant proportion of the population believes corruption is a fairly or very serious problem, and public opinion is equally clear on its extent.

While in 2022–2023, 43 per cent of respondents considered corruption to be very widespread in Ukraine, this figure rose to 63 per cent in 2024. In the same year, 49 per cent believed that the level of corruption had increased over the previous 12 months.

Although personal experiences of corruption have not changed significantly, people’s subjective reactions have become far sharper, the assessment notes.

In May 2024, when asked, “What poses a greater threat to Ukraine’s development – corruption or Russia’s military aggression?” 48 per cent chose corruption, while only 36 per cent selected military aggression.

According to the research institute, public trust is further eroded by the widespread perception that genuinely fair court rulings are lacking.

In early February 2025, KIIS asked respondents which statement they agreed with more regarding the punishment of corrupt politicians and officials. Half chose the option that “politicians and corrupt officials should be punished as quickly as possible, even if this means breaking the law,” rather than “politicians and corrupt officials should be brought to justice in accordance with the law, even if this takes a long time.”

The fact that half the population is willing to support punishment outside the judicial process is a deeply worrying trend. It reflects an alarmingly low level of trust in the courts and prosecutors, and the effective breakdown of the justice system,

the study’s press release concludes.

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Címkék:

corruption, ukraine, zelensky